| History of Thailand |
|---|
| Prehistory |
| Early history |
|
Legendary
Suvarnabhumi Central Thailand Dvaravati Lavo Supannabhum Northern Thailand Singhanavati Ngoenyang Hariphunchai Southern Thailand Pan Pan Raktamaritika Langkasuka Srivijaya Tambralinga Nakhon Si Thammarat |
| History |
| Lavo Kingdom Sukhothai Kingdom Ayutthaya Kingdom Thonburi Kingdom Rattanakosin Kingdom History since 1932 to 1973 History since 1973 |
|
Regional history
|
The Siamese Revolution of 1932 or the Siamese Coup d'état of 1932 (Thai: การปฏิวัติสยาม พ.ศ. 2475 or การเปลี่ยนแปลงการปกครองสยาม พ.ศ. 2475) was a crucial turning point in Thai history in the 20th century. The revolution or the coup d'état was a nearly bloodless transition on 24 June 1932, in which the system of government in Siam was changed from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy. The revolution was brought about by a group of military and civilians, who formed Siam's first political party, Khana Ratsadon (Peoples' Party). The revolution ended 150 years of absolutism under the Chakri Dynasty and almost 700 years of absolute rule of Kings over Thai history. The Revolution was a product of global historical change as well as social and political changes domestically. The revolution also resulted in the people of Siam being granted their first Constitution.
Contents |
Since the year 1782 the Kingdom of Siam was ruled by the House of Chakri founded by King Buddha Yodfa Chulaloke (or Rama I). The capital city, Bangkok (built on Rattanakosin Island), was also founded by King Rama I.[1]:27 For over a century, the Kings of Siam were able to protect the nation from neighbours and other foreign nations, escaping colonialism from European giants such as Britain and France. In 1932 Siam, together with China and Japan, were the only independent countries remaining in East Asia.[2]:7
King Chulalongkorn (Rama V) came to the throne in 1868, eager to modernize and reform his medieval kingdom, and introduced many new reforms and inventions to his country. He openly embraced Europeans as well as European thought on many matters, chiefly law, politics, philosophy, commercialism, education and medicine. He reformed the administration as well as the military system.[2]:3[3]:38–66 At the same time he successfully maintained the country's fragile independence, being situated between prolific colonialists: the British Raj (Burma) and French Indochina (Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia). The King, who understood the importance of foreign education, not only sent his many sons to European schools and academies, but also sent thousands of commoners and scholarship students, anticipating that the Kingdom's survival rested on modernization.[2]:3
He was succeeded to the throne by his son, King Vajiravudh (Rama VI) (1910–25), a Sandhurst and Oxford graduate.[2]:6 Vajiravudh continued most of his father's efforts in modernizing the infrastructure and other institutions of the country, including appointing able commoners to the government.[2]:3 The foundation of the Vajiravudh College (a school founded on the model of an English public school) and Chulalongkorn University (Siam's first) were part of his educational reforms. He also encouraged more European practices such as fashion and the adoption of surnames. His reforms resulted in much anger in many quarters, especially from older, reactionary members of the aristocracy and nobility, whose influence was slowly being eroded. However, the speed of his constitutional reforms also resulted in dissatisfaction from an entirely different faction: that of the progressive and radicals.[2]:4
In 1912, a Palace revolt plan, plotted by young military officers, tried unsuccessfully to overthrow and replace the King.[1]:112 Their goals were to change the system of government, overthrowing the ancient regime and replacing it with a modern, Westernized constitutional system, and perhaps to replace the King with another more sympathetic Prince.[3]:155 The revolt failed and the participants were imprisoned. In reaction, Vajiravudh largely abandoned his attempts at constitutional reform and continued with his absolutist rule, with the minor exception of the appointment of some able commoners into his Privy Council and Government.[2]:7 King Vajiravudh died in 1925 and was succeed by his younger brother King Prajadhipok (Rama VII).[1]:112
Prince Prajadhipok Sakdidej, the Prince of Sukhothai, was the youngest son of King Chulalongkorn (the 33rd son and the 76th child out of 77th children),[4] an Eton and Woolwich Academy educated Prince. King Prajadhipok inherited a country in crisis, His brother Vajiravudh had left the state on the verge of bankruptcy, often using the Treasury to cover-up the many deficits of the Privy Purse, and the fact that the state and the people were forced to subsidize the many Princes and their lavish lifestyles.[2]:3 After his coronation, the new King quickly created the Supreme Council of State (which became the main organ of state), to try to fix the many problems facing the nation. The Council itself was composed of experienced Senior Princes, who had held ministerial positions in previous administrations. Unfortunately, they were quick to replace commoners (appointed by Vajiravudh) in the civil service and military with many of their own.[2]:4[1]:112 The Council was dominated by the Minister of the Interior, German-educated Prince Paribatra Sukhumbhand, Prince of Nakhon Sawan, who was Prajadhipok's older half brother. Due to the complicated succession law of the Chakri Dynasty, he was also heir to the throne.[2]:4 Prajadhipok turned out to be a very sympathetic monarch. He immediately ordered a cut in Palace expenditure and travelled extensively around the country. In the capital, he made himself more accessible and visible to the ever-growing Bangkok elite and middle class by carrying out many public duties. By this time, many students sent to study abroad decades earlier had started to return. Faced with the lack of opportunity, the entrenchment of the Princes and the comparative backwardness of the country, most became disillusioned with the status quo.[2]:3
By 1930, however, the events of the world were too much for the Kingdom to bear, as the Wall Street Crash and the economic meltdown that came with it reached Siam. The King proposed the levying of general income taxes and property taxes to help elevate the sufferings of the poor. However, these were roundly rejected by the Council, who feared their own fortunes would be reduced. Instead they cut civil service pay rolls and reduced the military budget, angering most of the country's educated elite.[2]:2 The officer corps was especially discontent, and eventually Phra Ong Chao (lower class of Prince) Boworadet in 1931, a minor member of the Royal Family and Minister of Defence, resigned.[2]:1 Prince Boworadet was not in the Supreme Council, and it was suspected that disagreement with the council over budget cuts and jealously led to his resignation.[2]:2 The King, who openly confessed his own lack of financial knowledge, stating he was just a simple soldier, tried, with little success, to battle the senior Princes over this issue.[2]:2
Meanwhile, the King put his efforts into the drafting of a constitution (which for the first time was to introduce democracy to Siam), with the help of two Princes and an American foreign policy advisor, Raymond Bartlett Stevens.[5] Despite being advised that his people were not yet ready for democracy, the King was undeterred and was determined to grant a constitution before his Dynasty's 150 anniversary in 1932.[2]:5 However, this document was completely rejected by the Princes in the Supreme Council.[2]:5
On 6 April 1932, when the Chakri Dynasty celebrated its 150 anniversary of rule over Siam, the King opened a bridge across the Chao Phraya River. The celebration was somewhat muted due to fears stemming from an alleged prophecy dating back to the days of King Rama I, which predicted the end of the dynasty on its 150th anniversary.[2]:1 By the end of April, Prajadhipok had left Bangkok for his summer holidays, leaving Prince Paribatra in charge as regent. The King went to the beach resort town of Hua Hin in Prachuap Khiri Khan province to his summer villa, "Klai Kangwon" (วังไกลกังวล: translated as "Far from Worries").[2]:15
In February 1927, in a hotel on the Rue du Sommerard in Paris, France, a small group of seven military and civilian students assembled to debate the founding of a party to try to bring change to Siam.[2]:12 Intent on not wanting to repeat the failure of the 1912 plot, they laid out a clear and coherent plan to change Siam. This group included two young students: one a soldier and an artilleryman Plaek Khittasangkha, the other a law student and radical Pridi Panomyong.[2]:11[1]:116 The group called themselves the "Promoters" (ผู้ก่อการ), hoping to return home to try to promote change. The Promoters realized, ironically, as the King's advisors had done, that the Siamese people were not yet ready for democracy, and most were illiterate peasants with little concern for affairs in Bangkok.[2]:12 In Bangkok itself, the new and emerging middle class was dependent on the patronage of the aristocracy for jobs and positions. As a result, they realized that a "mass revolution" was not possible and only a military-led coup d'état was possible. For this purpose a political party was formed and it was named the Khana Ratsadon (คณะราษฎร) (or the People's Party).
When the Promoters eventually returned to Siam by the end of the 1920s, they quietly expanded their lists of contacts and party membership; Pridi became an academic teaching at Chulalongkorn University, where he gathered support of about fifty like-minded men (mostly civilians and civil servants) who also wanted to see the end of absolute monarchy.[2]:13 It was the job of the others, such as Pleak, who had by then received his title Luang Phibulsonggram, to try to gather supporters within the Army.[2]:13 A young naval Captain Luang Sinthusongkhramchai was doing the same for the Navy.[2]:12 The number of the Party increased, and by the end of 1931 it reached 102 members, separated into two branches: the civilians and the military.
Prayoon Phamornmontri, one of the seven Promoters, himself an Army officer, and former Royal Page of King Vajiravudh, took it upon himself to try to recruit for the Party influential and powerful members who also wanted to see the end of absolute monarchy and the Princes.[2]:12 One such officer he had a connection with was the Deputy Inspector of Artillery, Colonel Phraya Phahol Pholpayuhasena. An affable man and popular within the army, he immediately joined the Party and gave it his support.[2]:12 The second senior officer was Colonel Phraya Songsuradet; considered one of the best minds of his generation, he was the Director of Education at the Military Academy. Both had studied abroad and were eager for change.[2]:14 Songsuradet instantly became the Party's tactician, advising that it should first secure Bangkok militarily and eventually the country will follow. He also advised the Promoters to be more secretive to avoid official and police detection.[2]:14 Eventually, he approached his friend Colonel Phraya Ritthiakhaney, commander of the Bangkok Artillery, who shared his concerns over the Princes domination over the Army and eventually he, too, joined the Party. Finally they were joined by Phra Phrasasphithayayut, another discontented officer.[2]:15 Forming what was known within the Party as the "Four Musketeers" (4 ทหารเสือ, Four Tiger Soldiers), as the most senior members of the party they eventually became its leaders.
Despite all of their precautions and preparation, word of the plan's existence eventually leaked to the police. On the evening of 23 June 1932, the Director General of the Police made a call to Prince Paribatra, asking for his authorization to arrest and imprison all involved in the plot.[2]:15 The Prince, recognizing many names on the list that included many influential and powerful individuals, decided to delay the order for the next day, a delay that would be crucial for the plotters.[2]:16
On that same evening, one of Luang Sinthu's supporters in the navy commandeered a gunboat from its dock up the Chao Phraya river, and by morning was aiming its guns directly at Prince Paribatra's palace in Bangkok.[2]:16 Luang Sinthu himself mobilized 500 armed sailors ready to take the Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall, which was situated at the center of the capital and part of Dusit Palace. Following them was Prayoon, who later that night took command of a cadre of young officers to seize the post and telegram offices around the capital – one of the officers was Khuang Abhaiwongse. All communications between the princes and senior members of the administration were thus disabled.[2]:16 All their houses were also under surveillance and guard by both civilian and military party members.[2]:16
At about 4:00 a.m. in the morning of 24 June, Phraya Phahol and Songsuradet were already carrying out their part of the plan. Phraya Phahol and some supporters gathered near the Throne Hall waiting for the signal,[2]:17 while Phraya Songsuradet went with a couple of the conspirators to the barracks of the First Cavalry Regiment of the Royal Guards, where most of the armoured vehicles in Bangkok were kept. On arrival, Phraya Songsuradet reprimanded the officer in charge of the barracks for sleeping while there was a Chinese uprising taking place elsewhere in the city – all the while opening the gates of the barracks and mobilizing all the troops. The ruse worked, and through all the confusion and panic, Phraya Prasan was able to arrest the commander of the regiment and put him into custody. Luang Phibul was ordered to guard him.[2]:17 The armoured vehicles, including some tanks, were commandeered and all were ordered to head toward the Throne Hall. Phraya Ritthi, after hearing of the success of Phraya Songsuradet, went to the barracks of the First Regiment of Infantry. After successfully mobilizing the Infantry, he too headed towards the Throne Hall.[2]:17 Having been told weeks before that a military exercise was happening, other troops in the vicinity of Bangkok joined the plotters, thus unknowingly participating in a revolution.[2]:17 Other units loyal to the monarch decided to take a passive role by shutting themselves in their barracks.[6]:160
By the time the infantry and cavalry arrived in the Royal Plaza in front of the Throne Hall at about 6:00 a.m., there was already a throng watching the assembled military.[2]:17 Confusion gripped the Plaza, many not completely sure if the Chinese uprising was real, or if the military were only at the square to exercise. Phraya Phahol climbed onto one of the tanks and read the Khana Ratsadon Manifesto, a declaration proclaiming the end of the absolute monarchy and the establishment of a new constitutional state in Siam. The Promoters cheered, followed by the military, probably more out of deference than full comprehension of what has actually happened.[2]:18
In truth, Phraya Phahol was bluffing – the success of the revolution still depended on facts elsewhere in Bangkok. Phraya Prasan was sent to the house of Prince Paribatra, and to other high ranking members of the government and Princes.[2]:18 Prince Paribatra was apparently in his pajamas when he was arrested.[6]:159 None, except the Commander of the First Army Corps, offered any resistance. He put up a fight and was slightly wounded, but was eventually taken into custody, becoming the revolution's only casualty. All in all, about 40 officials were arrested and detained in the Throne Hall. One exception was the Minister of Commerce and Communications, Prince Purachatra Jayakara, Prince of Kamphaeng Phet, who escaped in a detached railway engine to warn the King in Hua Hin.[6]:160 By 8:00 a.m. the operation was over and the Promoters had won the day.[2]:18
Most of the military and civil administrations offered little resistance – too used to taking orders and with all line of communications shut, they were unable to act. The next stage of the revolution was left to the civilian side of the Party. Pridi, its leader, with the help of his supporters, blanketed the capital in the Khana Ratsadon's propaganda leaflets, pamphlets and radio broadcasts, all supporting the revolution.[2]:18 The text of manifesto of the Khana Ratsadon (written by Pridi) criticized the monarch in harsh terms:
All the People,
When this king succeeded his elder brother, people at first had hoped that he would govern protectively. But… the king maintains his power above the law as before. He appoints curt relatives and toadies without merit or knowledge to important positions without listening to the voice of the people. He allows officials to use the power of their office dis-honestly… he elevates those of royal blood to have special rights more than the people. He governs without principle. The country's affairs are left to the mercy of fate, as can be seen from the depression of the economy and hardships… the government of the king has treated the people as slaves… it can be seen that from the taxes that are squeezed from the people, the king carries off many millions for personal use… The People's Party has no wish to snatch the throne. Hence it invites this king to retain the position. But he must be under the law of the constitution for the governing the country, and cannot do anything independently without the approval of the assembly of the people's representatives… If the king replies with a refusal or does not reply within the time set… it will be regarded as treason to the nation, and it will be necessary for the country to have a republican form of government.[7]
The tone of the Manifesto differed greatly to that of the telegram sent to the King signed by the three full Colonels and Musketeers: Phraya Pahol, Phraya Songsuradet and Phraya Ritthi. The telegram stated using royal language (Rachasap: ราชาศัพท์) that if the King did not wish to remain as a Monarch under a constitution the party was willing to replace him with another Royal Prince.[2]:19 Despite the language, the telegram assured that Monarch in strong terms that if any member of the Khana Ratsadon was hurt, the Princes in custody would suffer.[2]:19
Even before the arrival of the Musketeers' telegram the King was aware of something going on in Bangkok. He was playing a game of golf at the summer villa's course with the Queen, two princely ministers and some courtiers, when an urgent message arrived (reportedly at the eighth hole); later, Prince Purachatra arrived to report to the King what had been going on in the capital.[2]:19
The King and the princes discussed many options, which included fleeing the country, staging a counter-coup or full surrender.[2]:19 However, by the time the actual telegram arrived from the Khana Ratsadon, the King had already decided. He quickly replied he was willing to remain on the Throne as a constitutional monarch and that he had always favoured granting the people a constitution.[2]:20 The King, later, wrote of his decision of refusing to fight: "...I could not sit on a throne besmirched by blood."[6]:161 One point in which the King did not concede was when the Party sent a gunboat to fetch him to Bangkok. He refused and, instead, traveled back to the capital by Royal Train, stating that he was not a captive of the Khana Ratsadon.[2]:20
Meanwhile, the Promoters forced the Princes to sign a document proclaiming their commitment to peace and to avoidance of any bloodshed.[2]:20 In Bangkok, like so many others that would follow, the coup elicited almost no response from the populace, and the day-to-day life of the populace returned to normal even before the end of the day. The rest of the country were also similarly disaffected,[2]:20 prompting the Times in London to report that the revolution merely was "a simple re-adjustment".[2]:22
By the evening of the 24th the Promoters were confident enough to call a senior ministerial meeting. In the meeting Pridi tried to persuade senior civil servants to support the Khana Ratsadon, asking them for support and telling them to remain united, unless the semblance of confusion would lead to foreign intervention.[2]:21 Pridi asked the Foreign Ministry to dispatch to all foreign missions a document stating that the party was committed to protecting foreign lives and business and to fulfilling Siam's treaty obligations.[2]:21
King Prajadhipok returned to Bangkok on the 26 June. His first immediate action was to give a royal audience to the Promoters. As the members entered the room the King rose and greeted them by saying: "I rise in honour of the Khana Ratsadon". It was an extremely significant gesture, as in Siamese culture the King always remains seated when their subjects offer homage, not the reverse.[2]:22 This led to Pridi apologizing to the Monarch for defaming him in the Manifesto; subsequently, all known copies were pulled from circulation. The King responded to this act by affixing his Royal seal on a document exonerating all members of the Khana Ratsadon for the coup.[2]:22
The Khana Ratsadon then released all their hostages with the exception of Prince Paribatra, whom they considered too powerful and asked to leave the country instead. He later left for Java, never to return; other Princes went into voluntary exile in other South East Asian countries, and some others in Europe.[2]:22[1]:119
In the immediate aftermath of the Revolution, Prajadhipok and the Khana Ratsadon immediately set about granting the Siamese people their First Constitution. The Temporary Charter was signed on 27 June 1932 at 5:00 p.m., it was a draft document written by Pridi in advance.[2]:25 The constitution began by announcing that: "the highest power in the land belongs to all people."[8] The Constitution basically stripped the King of all of his ancient powers such as his power of veto, power of pardon and the right to even confirm his own successor and heir. The constitution removed the Monarchy of all of its power, without actually abolishing the office itself.[2]:26 The constitution created a People's Committee (คณะกรรมการราษฎร, the executive) and an Assembly of People's Representatives (รัฐสภาผู้แทนราษฎร) made up of 70 appointed Members.
‘Democracy’ for Siam was, however to be given to the people in installments, three to be precise. First, the Assembly members were to be appointed by no other than the Four Musketeers (the military). They would exercise the power on behalf of the people, and their first session was to last six months.[2]:26 Second, a period when the mostly ignorant populace would learn about democracy and elections; the Assembly would then be changed to be composed of half appointed members (again by the Musketeers) and the other half through indirect representation. These candidates must, of course, have been examined by the Khana Ratsadon before any election. Thirdly, and finally, the charter stated that full democratic representation in the Assembly could only be achieved at the end of ten years or when more than half of the populace has gone through primary education, whichever was achieved first.[2]:26
The first session of the People's Assembly convened in the Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall on 28 June 1932.[2]:27 The charter however did not last long by the end of the year a new more moderate Permanent Constitution[2]:33 would be signed, on the 10 December. This constitution eventually gave back to monarch many powers it had lost in the previous charter, the monarchy was once again held "sacred and inviolable". The Assembly of People's Representatives was expanded to include 156 members, 76 were elected and 76 were appointed. The democratic restrictions were removed and the government scheduled Siam's first election in October 1933.[2]:34
The revolution was a product of many events, including for the most part what the Khana Ratsadon considered misrule under Prajadhipok and the princes. Others included the dire economic situation the country faced in the 1930s and the rapid social development at the time.
Despite his lofty ideals and Western education, Pridi's version of democracy faced the same dilemma that Pradhipok's version did: the notion simply that the country, especially the rural populace were not yet ready for it.[2]:26 Within days, the Khana Ratsadon had turned Siam into a one-party state with communistic sounding institutions such as the "People's Assembly" and the position of "President of the People's Committee".[6]:162 However, the Khana Ratsadon showed their bipartisanship when they recommended the appointment of lawyer and Privy Councillor Phraya Manopakorn Nititada as the first President of the People's Committee and in effect the first Prime Minister of Siam, more probably out of pragmatism and shrewdness rather than any real honourable intention.[2]:27 However, infighting within the government and the actions of the conservative Prime Minister would eventually lead to another coup d'état only one year later, in June 1933, resulting in the appointment of Phraya Phahol as Siam's second Prime Minister.
The revolution was a huge blow to Prajadhipok and the monarchy, for it has stripped him of all of his ancient powers and privileges. Despite the cordial words, the King lived in constant fear and felt the next time a confrontation between him and the party occurred he and his Queen both might be killed. In late 1932, the King wrote to his nephew Prince Chula Chakrabongse about his decision to return to Bangkok: "...we were all quite aware that we were probably going to our death."[6]:161 The many unsettled constitutional roles of the Crown and the dissatisfaction of Phraya Phahol's seizure of power culminated in October 1933 into a counter-coup or the Boworadet Rebellion staged by royalist factions. The royalists were led by Prince Boworadet and the many others who had permanently lost their influence and position because of the revolution and the seizure of power by the Khana Ratsadon. The rebellion was a failure, and although there is no evidence whatsoever that Prajadhipok was involved, his neutrality and indecisiveness during the brief conflict led to the loss of his credibility and prestige. Three years after the Revolution, King Prajadhipok abdicated the throne and left Siam never to return; he died in England in 1941.[2]:75 He was replaced as King by his 9-year-old nephew Prince Ananda Mahidol (King Rama VIII), who at that time was attending school in Lausanne, Switzerland.
Not only did Prajadhipok fail where the Khana Ratsadon succeeded, they accomplished it because of the military. Without the support of the Army faction, the coup would never have happened and the system of absolute monarchy might have lasted longer. Despite the great socio-economic changes in Bangkok, rural Thais were still uneducated and completely uninterested of what went on in the nation's capital. The revolution gave the military a sense of power which it would exercise 16 more times through the end of the 20th century, toppling civilian governments whenever they see fit. Even today the Thai military is viewed with suspicion. Nevertheless, the so-called revolution was an extremely significant event in the modern History of Thailand.
| Monarchs | Individuals | Key events | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Rear Palace |
Royalty
Siamese Foreigners |
Key events
|
|||
| Office holders | Individuals and institutions | Key events | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|
Military
Others Institutions |
Key events
|
|||
|
||||||||